Family dynamics, fertility choices and family policy

The aim of this project has been to gather knowledge of the drivers of fertility change in modern Western societies, with a particular focus on Norway. Starting in the 1960, the fertility rates in Europe have fallen dramatically. Low fertility hastens population ageing, and may hence be costly for future generations. The low fertility rates have spurred discussions of how policy makers may induce men and women to have more children. We have studied how fertility behavior relates to union type, the determinants of multipartner fertility, as well as how gender equality and income is linked to fertility behavior. While consistently employing a comparative perspective, our in-depth focus has been on Norway. Regarding union type, our results show that the norm that marriage should precede childbearing is waning. Throughout Europe, including Norway, the proportion of children born to cohabiting parents is increasing markedly. This does not imply a complete decoupling of marriage and childbearing, however. In Norway, many cohabiters choose to get married after their first child is born. We have also assessed determinants of multi-partner fertility in Norway and other Western countries. As an increasing proportion of parental unions are dissolved, parents increasingly form unions with new partners, often wanting a joint child with the new partner. The probability of multi-partner fertility is highest among those who became parents at a young age, and those who have lower education. At the same time, having a child with a new partner is relatively common among highly educated, high-earning men. Growing up with a half sibling increases the probability of having children with more than one partner. Our studies also show that experiencing several shorter unions associates with a higher probability to remain childless. Another main topic has been how gender equality affects the processes of family formation, and hence impacts childbearing in Europe. In contrast to the notion that modern gender roles hinder family formation and childbearing, we find that women who are employed are more likely to intend to have a first child. Regarding plans of further childbearing, the mother?s employment is less important, while the economic situation of the household and the father?s employment facilitates further childbearing. We have also explored the relationship between income and fertility, focusing on earnings as well as public transfers. Enabling the combination of paid work and parenting for both men and women has been a central political goal in Norway. Our analysis shows that both men and women in Norway prefer to establish a foothold in the labor market before they have a first child. However, economic constraints do not seem to suppress fertility in Norway to a large extent. Our investigations show that improved economic circumstances, mainly due to increasing cash transfers to parents, increases fertility among unmarried women in their early 20s only. In total, the project has provided new insight into factors that influence fertility choices, and compared patterns in Norway with those found in other Western countries. Women and men who choose (or wish for) having children tend to be employed, living with a partner but not necessarily married, and having an equal division of housework at home. Norway is among the European countries with the highest share of children born to cohabiting parents. However, as many cohabiting parents marry while their child(ren) are young, the share of cohabiting parents of older children is smaller and more comparable to the overall European level. Improved economic conditions tend to increase fertility among young unmarried women, while complex union histories correlate with a higher propensity to remain childless. But it is not only stable and gender egalitarian couples with good economic prospects who have children in Norway. Rather, our relatively high fertility may be due to that having and raising children is compatible with a range of different life chances. For instance, about one in six Norwegian mothers have children with more than one partner. This share is comparable to that found in Sweden and Australia, while a substantially larger share is found in the US. Project homepage: http://www.ssb.no/en/forskning/demografi-og-levekaar/fruktbarhet-og-familiedemografi/family-dynamics-fertility-choices-and-family-policy

Since the 1960s there has been a dramatic drop in birth rates across Europe. Low fertility puts more pressure on the welfare state by increasing the age-dependency-ratio, thus also creating a larger burden for future generations. Debates on low birth-rate s have inspired policy reforms in several countries, but the common features of demographic developments across Europe have prompted efforts to join forces in the search for policy responses. Our project will have both a national and a cross-national pers pective and open up for theoretical reflections on the mechanisms behind the shift in family dynamics, the role of gender equality in fertility theories, and the impact of family policy on fertility. The comparative analyses in the present proposal will m ainly be built on national surveys that are part of the Generations and Gender Programme (GGP). GGP is a European research infrastructure where Norway is one of the participating countries. The more in-depth studies of Norway will be based on national adm inistrative registers. Our conceptual framework will draw on fertility theories from both the fields of economics and sociology, and will include theoretical approaches that incorporate the complexity of new family dynamics and the various roles men and w omen play within the families. The project consists of three work-packages: (i) analyses of fertility intentions and behaviour in relation to other family formation events such as cohabitation and formal marriage, as well as to union dissolution and divor ce, (ii) studies of the relationship between gender equality and fertility intentions and behaviour, focusing on both gender equality practices within the families and gender equality in the society, (iii) analyses of the effect of family policies on fert ility behaviour, evaluating both the impact of specific policies and the total incentives of the present tax and benefit system.