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Politics and Security in the Arctic (POPSARC) tar utgangspunkt i to overordnede spørsmål. For det første, hva kjennetegner vestlige alliertes tilnærminger til sikkerhet i Arktis de senere årene? For det andre, hva kjennetegner samspillet mellom disse vestlige allierte i Arktis, innenfor nøkkelområder av sikkerhetspolitikken? Mye forskningslitteratur har i de senere årene sett på Russland og Kinas ambisjoner for og tilstedeværelse i Arktis, samt vestlige aktørers reaksjoner og tilsvar på disse to statenes signaler og opptreden. Mindre oppmerksomhet har blitt viet endringer i dynamikken og samspillet mellom allierte på vestlig side. Her vil POPSARC bidra til å skaffe til veie oppdatert kunnskap.

Prosjektet fokuserer på åtte stater: De syv arktiske statene Norge, Danmark, Island, Finland, Sverige, Canada og USA, samt Storbritannia - som definerer seg som Arktis' nærmeste nabo. Forskningsteamet vil undersøke disse statenes tilnærminger til og samspill i arktiske sikkerhetsspørsmål på tre områder i perioden 2014-2026: Diplomati, militært samarbeid og infrastruktur-styring. Prosjektet trekker på et teoretisk rammeverk hvor ideer om utenrikspolitiske handlingsrepertoar, felleskapsbygging og differensiering står sentralt. Dette rammeverket vil bli brukt til å analysere endringer i diskurs og observerbare samhandlingsspraksiser på de tre områdene. På den måten vil prosjektet gi verdifulle innsikter til forskere, men også beslutningstakere og den opplyste allmennheten.

At a time marked by major international turbulence – war in Europe, the breakdown of established diplomatic fora, the entry of new actors and stakeholders – there is an urgent need for also understanding the approaches of and interaction dynamics between Western allies operating in or near the Arctic. Power Politics and Security in the Arctic (POPSARC) addresses this knowledge need. While there is a rapidly growing body of literature tracing and unpacking the ambitions and actions of Russia and China in the Arctic, and Western actors’ responses to their moves, limited scholarly attention has been given to the (changing) fabric of allied interactions in the region. POPSARC will theorise, trace, and unpack allied interaction patterns in and around the Arctic.

Doing so, the project asks two questions. First, what characterises Western allies’ current approaches to security in the Arctic? Second, how are allied interactions in the Arctic sphere materialising – in statements, strategies, and observable material practices – across key security domains? Zooming in on the time period 2014-2026, the POPSARC team will study Western allies’ approaches to and interaction patterns in Arctic security across three domains: Diplomacy, military collaboration, and infrastructure governance. Theoretically, it will employ a theory framework organised around the concepts of foreign policy repertoires, community-building, and differentiation. Empirically, it combines the study of dominant and alternative representations in official and wider political and discourses, with a study of observable interaction practices in the domains of diplomacy, military collaboration, and infrastructure governance. In terms of output, the project will deliver academic articles, events, talks, popular publications, and social media engagement. Project results will add to the knowledge production on Arctic security, help policy makers arrive at better-informed decisions, and educate members of the public.

Power Politics and Security in the Arctic

Hvordan former etterretning russisk innenrikspolitikk og utenriks- og sikkerhetspolitikk? Dagens Russland karakteriseres ofte som en «KGB-stat». Nåværende og tidligere etterretningsoffiserer, inkludert president Putin, dominerer i økende grad politikk og økonomi, og bringer med seg kultur, verdensbilde, nettverk og metoder som er typiske for russisk etterretning. Dette er godt kjent, men det er lite systematisk og teoretisk basert kunnskap om hvordan etterretning faktisk påvirker russisk politikk. For å endre på dette har RUSINTELSTATE samlet et team av håndplukkede, internasjonale Russland-eksperter innen etterretningsstudier, kulturstudier, samtidshistorie og internasjonale relasjoner. Anglo-amerikanske etterretningsstudier (for ikke å snakke om statsvitenskap og internasjonale relasjoner) ser gjerne på politikk og etterretning som atskilt. Etterretning forstås snevert, som en spesifikk form for kunnskap som skal gi politisk nøytral beslutningsstøtte. Denne normative tilnærmingen er imidlertid dårlig tilpasset Russland, en autoritær, personalistisk stat med en distinkt historie. RUSINTELSTATE, derimot, a) analyserer etterretning i videre forstand, som aktører, aktiviteter og kultur; og b) anerkjenner at etterretning og politikk ikke kan forstås atskilt. Etterretningsaktører (organisasjoner/nettverk) kjemper for innflytelse ved å posisjonere seg politisk. Etterretningsaktiviteter (kunnskapsproduksjon) både påvirker og blir påvirket av politiske vurderinger. Etterretningskultur – hele spekteret fra propaganda-narrativer til dyptfølt ideologi – både former og blir formet av oppfatningene til aktørene. Vi framholder at verken den russiske staten eller dens etterretning kan forstås atskilt. Vårt begrep ‘hybrid etterretningsstat’, som understreker den gjensidige innflytelsen mellom russisk politikk og etterretning, er et bedre redskap til å forstå russisk utenriks- og sikkerhetspolitikk, og gjør oss bedre i stand til å håndtere dens utfordringer mot vår sikkerhet.

How does intelligence shape Russian domestic politics and foreign and security policy? Intelligence is ubiquitous in Russia. Current and former intelligence officers, including President Putin, increasingly dominate politics and economy, bringing with them the culture, world-view, networks, and methods of the Russian intelligence community. This is widely acknowledged, yet how it impacts Russia’s foreign and security policy is still poorly understood by academics. Both intelligence as such and its role in IR remain under-theorized, and research on Russian intelligence is highly compartmentalized. To change this, RUSINTELSTATE enlists a team of carefully selected international Russia experts from the complementing fields of intelligence studies, cultural studies, contemporary history, and IR. Moving beyond the models of ‘the KGB state’ on the one hand and ‘intelligence-as-a-tool’ of the state on the other, we advance the novel theoretical perspective of the Russian Hybrid Intelligence State. This allows for a nuanced and culturally and contextually sensitive approach based on the recognition that neither the Russian state nor its intelligence can be understood in isolation from each other. Contrary to the traditional and often normative notion of intelligence as a specific type of knowledge, we employ a wide definition of (state-centered) intelligence as actors, activities, and culture, which allows us to analyze the different ways in which intelligence and politics influence each other: a) actors (services/networks) vying for influence by positioning themselves; b) activities (knowledge production) that may both be heavily influenced by political considerations and influence these considerations; and c) culture, i.e. both narratives created for propaganda and deep-seated beliefs of the intelligence services, as well as everything in between. This makes us better equipped to understand Russian foreign/security policy, and to deal with its challenges to our security.

The Russian Hybrid Intelligence State

Integrated Research Infrastructure Services for Climate Change risks

Adaptation to climate change requires in-depth understanding of climate change driven risks, including their determinants (hazards, exposure and vulnerabilities) and impacts to human, production and natural systems. Integrated Research Infrastructure Services for Climate Change Risks (IRISCC) is a consortium of diverse and complementary leading research infrastructures (RIs) covering disciplines from natural sciences to social sciences, across different domains and sectors. IRISCC provides scientific and knowledge services to foster cutting-edge research and evidence-based policymaking to improve Europe's resilience to climate change. IRISCC ensures a “one-stop-shop” for various user communities on climate change risk related RI services by setting up a dedicated Catalogue of services and related access management system both for granting transnational (onsite and remote) and offering virtual access. The Catalogue of services will be built through three consecutive releases, each delivering increasingly integrated services to its user communities. The IRISCC service integration will include Service Design Labs employing co-design and transdisciplinary action, and Service Demonstrators benchmarking the integrated cross-RI services. In addition to services aimed towards the scientific community, IRISCC will offer knowledge services aimed towards policymakers and other stakeholders. This is done together with risk management platforms. The research enabled by IRISCC contributes to future reports on climate change effects (IPCC, IPBES) as well as policy- and decision-making to meet the targets of climate adaptation strategies. IRISCC contributes to training a new generation of scientists to efficiently use RI services and for data stewardship. Data from IRISCC will be open and made available in compliance with FAIR principles and linked to European initiatives such as EOSC. Strong links will be created between IRISCC and current and future efforts under Horizon Europe.

Smart and Sustainable Host UniverCities: leveraging city-university interactions to further the twin green and digital transition

SUNSET aims to develop innovative research and training capacity around city-university interactions driving the EU’s green and digital transition. This twin transition is a defining element of the current EU policy agenda towards achieving climate neutrality and sustainable growth. The European Commission considers cities to be frontrunners in this transition agenda, but their transformational capacity and resilience crucially depends on the presence of agile and high-performing urban innovation ecosystems. SUNSET brings together (1) prominent researchers working in diverse geographical and disciplinary settings at leading universities (N=6) with (2) partners (N=16) from city governments (often participating in the Cities Mission to achieve climate neutrality by 2030), innovation companies, research institutes and civil society organizations to analyze and foster the performance of these urban innovation ecosystems: drawing on a purposeful range of interdisciplinary, international, and intersectoral exchanges, the Doctoral Network will investigate whether and how universities can successfully become key drivers of the twin transition in cities via their role as innovation partners, the implementation of campus living labs, and as architects of decision-making in governance ecosystems. Through a tailored combination of network-wide training events and academic and non-academic secondments, the SUNSET Doctoral Network will train a new generation of researchers to become future urban innovation ecosystem leaders in the pursuit of the twin green and digital transition. The findings will lead to practical guidelines regarding the design and implementation of living labs for university and city management, tailored strategies to foster more inclusive and diverse urban ecosystems, and diverse forms of scientific outreach and dissemination.

EXPRESS2 is a project that addresses from a multidisciplinary, interdisciplinary and cross-sectional perspective, the growing demand for a new, more democratic, inclusive, and sustainable social contract in the EU. To achieve this, the project will work to create a more appealing and legitimate EU social contract draft that will be submitted to inhabitants, Member States and EU institutions that will have the possibility to participate and decide upon the conditions, rights, and obligations to be binding. The goal is to strengthen the EU agreement of association by promoting social dialogue, civic engagement, and integration. An express draft shall be achieved by means of policy dialogue, campaign implementation, collaborative workshops, advocacy planning, and innovative offline and online formats and tools to create spaces for dialogue. To this end, EXPRESS2 will involve EU policymakers and institutions throughout the project to obtain a more appealing and legitimate EU social contract draft. 
The project will also focus on identifying and analyzing disruptive elements of the social contract, such as insecurity, populism, climate change, mistrust in institutions, gender discrimination, digitalisation and pandemics. The analysis of these stressors includes both individualised and cross-sectional approaches to cover the plausible relation of multiple disruptors, their concatenation or the “trigger” effect of a disruptive phenomenon to another. By understanding these disruptive elements and their effects on the social contract, the project will propose concrete measures to ironclad the social contract and it will provide relevant information to protect it from actual and potential disruptions thus we conceive social contracts as incomplete theorised agreements and living documents. In addition to academic, policy, and socio-economic outcomes, EXPRESS2 will propose recommendations to strengthen the social contract's resilience and capacity for further development.


EXPRESS 2 SPECIFY AND PROTECT THE EU SOCIAL CONTRACT (EXPRESS2)

Til tross for at politiske partier er sentrale i å utvikle klimapolitikk, er det forsket lite på strategiene og påvirkningen deres, spesielt i et sammenlignende perspektiv. Målet med dette prosjektet er å adressere mangelen på systematiske og sammenlignbare data på partiers klimaposisjoner, og å gjennomføre den mest omfattende analysen av rollen til politiske partier i klimapolitikken som har vært gjort til nå. Forskningsspørsmålene er:

1: Hvordan posisjonerer partier seg på klima, og hva forklarer variasjonene?
2: Hvordan er konkurransen mellom partier på klimaområdet strukturert i industrialiserte land, og hva forklarer variasjonene?
3: Hvordan påvirker befolkningens holdninger hvordan partier posisjonerer seg og konkurrerer på klima?
4: Hvordan påvirker partiers preferanser i klimapolitikken regjeringers politikk?
5: I hvilken grad kan variasjon i lands klimaambisjoner forklares av partipolitisk konkurranse?

Prosjektet vil bygge et datasett med partiers klimaposisjoner, som dekker 20 land over to tiår med klimapolitikk. Fokuset er på industrialiserte land siden disse har de største historiske utslippene og mest ansvar for å redusere utslippene, og fordi de har etablerte (og derfor sammenlignbare) partisystemer. Statistiske analyser vil kombineres med kvalitative casestudier av Australia, Norge, Storbritannia og USA. I disse landene er det overraskende variasjoner både med tanke på klimaambisjonene og på hvor polariserte partiene er på tema. Intervjuer med politikere og samfunnsaktører, samt spørreundersøkelser av befolkningen, vil gjennomføres i hvert land.

Det empiriske omfanget, kombinasjonen av forskningsmetoder og ambisjonsnivået i prosjektet er nytt, og vil levere viktig kunnskap om klimapolitikk på et kritisk tidspunkt for menneskeheten. Funn fra prosjektet vil avsløre hvordan etablerte partisystemer responderer på nye og utfordrende samfunnsproblemer, og kaste lys over muligheter og utfordringer for politisk omstilling til lavutslippssamfunnet.

Political parties lie at the heart of climate change politics, yet their strategies and influence are woefully understudied, especially in a comparative perspective. The goal of this project is to address the lack of systematic and comparative data on political parties’ climate change positions and provide the most comprehensive analysis of the role of political parties in climate politics to date. The project research questions (RQs) are:

RQ1: How do parties position themselves on climate change, and what explains the variation?
RQ2: What is the structure of party competition on climate change in developed countries, and what explains the variation?
RQ3: What is the role of public opinion in explaining party positions (RQ1) and party competition (RQ2) on climate change?
RQ4: How do political parties’ climate policy preferences shape government policy?
RQ5: To what extent is variation in countries’ climate change ambitions explained by party competition?

To answer these questions, the project will bridge the comparative climate policy and party politics literatures. Using an innovative approach to hand-coding party manifestos, the project will create a data set of parties' climate policy preferences across 20 countries covering four election periods, encompassing over 300 parties-at-election. The focus will be on developed countries, as these are the largest emitters with the greatest responsibility to reduce emissions and because they have established (and therefore comparable) party systems. Large-N quantitative and medium-N methods will be combined with intensive case study analysis of Australia, Norway, the UK and the US. The empirical scope, mixed-methods approach and ambition of the project is novel and will deliver critical knowledge about climate politics at a vital moment in time.

Political Parties and Climate Change: Positions, Polarisation and Policy Relevance (PARTYCLIM)

Today most dictators exploit democratic institutions such as multiparty elections or legislatures to cover their autocratic rule. To carry out this form of rule, dictators need a loyal coalition of politicians to gather supporters, advance policies and win elections. While this loyalty is central to regime survival, elite divisions within authoritarian governments can induce political change. Yet, what type of divisions matter and whether such change will be democratizing are unclear. Defectors might have the resources to embolden pro-democracy groups, but they may also face repression, worsening democratization prospects. What type of divisions within the ruling elite can weaken modern autocracies? What are the mechanisms that underpin the relationship between defections and democratization?

ELITE offers a new theoretical framework, innovative data, and empirical research to identify and explain the strains and disruptions within authoritarian governments that induce democratization. It develops a theory of the elite origins of regime (in)stability, focusing on divisions within the ruling elite. ELITE builds a novel dataset on political elites’ resources and dissent strategies in 28 prominent electoral autocracies—today's most common form of autocracy. Cutting-edge mixed methods test why and how elite divisions strengthen anti-regime groups and weaken leaders' tools to stay in power. Findings will inform academic and policy debates on the processes that weaken modern dictatorships. Dr. Adrián del Río Rodríguez has broad expertise on the topic of elite politics in autocracies and methodological skills to carry out the ELITE project. The Department of Political Science, University of Oslo, will host Dr. del Río, and Prof. Carl H. Knutsen–a top international scholar in autocratic politics—will supervise him. The hosting arrangements provide excellent opportunities for networking, training, and potential for research collaboration during the MSCA fellowship.



Elite Politics in Electoral Autocracies

Arktiske sikkerhetsforhold blir stadig mer spent. I tiden etter Russlands invasjon av Ukraina har avskrekking i stor grad tatt over for dialog og samarbeid i nordområdene, noe som har resultert i økt militær aktivitet og tilfeller av sabotasje og provokasjon. Samtidig har debatten om de geopolitiske dynamikkene i Arktis allerede før februar 2022 vært preget av enkle påstander og feiloppfatninger om hvilke mekanismer som kan føre til konflikt i Arktis, noe som kan få politiske konsekvenser. Med økt spenning og rask endrede sikkerhetsdynamikker er det et presserende behov for et forskningsorientert og nyansert ordskifte om hvilke mekanismer som bidrar til å drive og dempe konflikt i Arktis. Vår konferanse «Arctic Security Conference 2024» vil være en plattform hvor aktører med særskilt interesse for Arktis kan utveksle og diskutere oppdaterte funn og trender ved den sikkerhetspolitiske situasjonen i nord.

I mangfoldet av Arktis-konferanser mangler det et spisset fokus på sikkerhets- og geopolitikk. I tillegg er det få, om noen, arena for å diskutere sikkerhetspolitikk i nordområdene og Arktis i Oslo med et internasjonalt perspektiv. Fridtjof Nansens Institutt, i samarbeid med de to nordnorske universitetene i nord – UiT: Norges arktiske universitet og Nord universitet – planlegger derfor en to-dagers konferanse i Oslo på temaet «Security Politics in the High North». 

Konferansen vil foregå på engelsk og være forskningsdrevet, men også inkludere panel som består av politikere, byråkrater og journalister. Ved arrangere en tverrfaglig og internasjonal konferanse som er drevet av samtaler søker vi i åpne opp for en mer dynamisk utveksling av ulike perspektiver og faglige tilnærminger, noe som kan bidra til å belyse et mer helhetlig bilde av sikkerhetsdynamikken i Arktis.

Arctic Security Conference 2024

Tenk deg dette: Hvert år blir 15 millioner babyer født «for tidlig» eller premature, og mer enn 70 % av dem blir født på steder som Afrika sør for Sahara og Sør-Asia. Disse bittesmå barna står overfor en stor risiko – å bli født for tidlig er en viktig dødsårsak for barn under 5 år over hele verden.
Her er avtalen: Noen av disse «premature» er enda mindre, og veier under 1500 gram, noe som gjør dem svært sårbare. De har sart hud som lett taper vann og varme, og det er mer sannsynlig at de blir smittet og syke. Det er derfor vi går til en enkel, men lovende løsning – å påføre solsikkefrøolje (SSO) på huden deres.
Tidligere studier i Sør-Asia viser at bruk av denne oljen på huden til disse små babyene kan hjelpe dem med å unngå infeksjoner, vokse bedre, utvikle seg normalt og til og med overleve. Verdens helseorganisasjon (WHO) ønsker å vite mer og har spurt: "Hva skjer når vi bruker mykgjørende midler, som SSO, på disse premature eller lav fødselsvekt (LBW) babyer i forskjellige land, spesielt i Afrika?"
Så, her er planen: Vi skal gjennomføre en studie i det østlige Uganda. Vi vil sammenligne utfallet med og uten SSO og se om denne bruken av olje kan redusere antall babyer som går bort på sykehuset med 25 % de første 28 dagene etter fødselen.
Slik vil det fungere: Vi vil randomisere 1206 spedbarn som veier mindre enn 1500 gram i to grupper. Den ene gruppen vil få SSO-behandlingen tre ganger daglig de første 28 dagene, og den andre vil få regelmessig omsorg. Vi vil holde et øye med dem for å se hvordan de gjør det. Vi vil vite om SSO kan redusere sjansene for alvorlige infeksjoner, hjelpe dem til å vokse, gjøre dem smartere, og viktigst av alt, hjelpe dem å komme seg til første bursdag.
I enklere termer, vi tester om denne enkle oljen kan være en livredder for de minste blant oss, og vårt oppdrag er å finne ut av det.

Background: Approximately 15 million infants are born ‘too soon’ (preterm) every year – over 70% of them in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and South Asia. Globally, complications of being born preterm account for the greatest number of deaths in children <5 years. Data suggest that 30% of neonatal deaths occur in very low birthweight (VLBW) infants (<1500g) in SSA and Asia. VLBW infants have immature skin, resulting in water and heat loss, and a risk of pathogens entering. And they are prone to infections, death and impaired growth and neurodevelopment. 
Emollient therapy (topical skin barrier therapy) with sunflower seed oil (SSO) is a potential intervention to reduce infections and improve growth, development and survival. Preliminary studies from South Asia indicate that topical application of emollients, such as SSO, to the skin of VLBW infants may improve outcomes. This has prompted World Health Organization (WHO) to list the following as a priority research question: “What is the effect of emollients on mortality, sepsis, growth, thermo-protection, microbiome, and longer-term neurodevelopment of preterm or LBW infants in high-income, middle-income, and low-income countries, especially in Africa?” We propose to respond to this question by undertaking a randomized controlled trial of this low-cost intervention in eastern Uganda. The trial has been co-created in close collaboration with parents to VLBW infants, representatives of end-users. 
Hypothesis and aim: Emollient therapy with SSO among VLBW infants will reduce in-hospital mortality up to day 28 by 25% compared to infants who receive standard-of-care.
Study design: In a randomized controlled trial, 1206 VLBW neonates will be randomized 1:1 to either intervention or comparator arm. Emollient therapy will be applied 3 times daily while hospitalized up to day 28 after birth. Participants will be compared for incidence of serious bacterial infections, survival, growth, and neurodevelopment and followed up to 1 year

Emollient therapy for very low birthweight infants (<1500g) in Uganda: effects on survival, infection, growth and development

International Platform on Obstetric Violence (IPOV): an innovative tool for a respectful maternity and 
childbirth care

Over-medicalisation and disrespect in maternity and childbirth care have been identified by international research as an urgent global public health topic (WHO 2014, Simonovic 2019, Council of Europe 2019). The IPOV-RESPECTFUL CARE project intends to bring attention to obstetric violence and respectful maternity and childbirth care by implementing a concrete tool—the International Platform on Obstetric Violence—to bridge academic research and public policy, training for health professionals, women’s perspectives and public engagement on the matter. The Platform will be an innovative, international, interdisciplinary, intersectoral and cross-cultural digital and interactive tool for producing, sharing and transferring knowledge, systematising and exchanging good practices, acquiring skills and planning gender -based innovative training packages on respectful maternity and childbirth care among health professionals, health training managers, decision makers, researchers, women and all of society. To achieve these goals, a network of 39 breakthrough experts, from 19 participating organisations and 9 countries (universities, research centres, civil organisations and health maternity care institutions) will be established.

Midlene fra IS-RUOK-EONR-økonomi fordelt på år

Midlene fra IS-RUOK-EONR-økonomi fordelt på fylker

Midlene fra IS-RUOK-EONR-økonomi fordelt på fagområde

The fifth semester of my bachelor studies in Economics will take place at the Norges Handelshøyskole (NHH) in Bergen. I have successfully applied for a place within the ERASMUS program of the Department of Economics at the University of Mannheim. By exper iencing how students study Economics at another European university, I will try to broaden my view on the whole subject. Concerning my academic interests, I hope to get deeper insights in energy and resource markets. Convinced that these markets are key i ssues to local and international politics as well as economics, I hope to get an elaborate understanding of the functionality, strengths and weaknesses of these markets that are affecting so many people's lives. Naturally, I am particularly interested in  ideas and concepts that try to improve the sector's business productivity and prevent conflicts with respect to the ultimate goals of a healthy environment and a large human welfare. Additionally, I definitely want to learn more about the Norwegian cultur e, language and country in general during my time in the country. By experiencing the Norwegian everyday life and the fantastic nature of this country, I intend to create a personal relation to Norway or maybe to Scandinavia as a whole that could perhaps  play a role in my life after my studies.

IS-RUOK-EONR-økonomi

Semester abroad at the Norges Handelshøyskole (NHH)

Awarded: NOK 47,000

Summary

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IS-RUOK-EONR-økonomi

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