Cannabis: Subculture, economy and social marginality

The study documents though two books and a large number of scientific papers, that what we label the cannabis culture found it?s form during the 1960s. There has been changes during the 50 years that have passed: (i) the character of the substance has changed (increased level of THC, a larger relative proportion of marijuana), (ii) the prevalence rates have varied (e.g. increase in the 1990s, a reduction after the turn of the century). Still, the cannabis culture has remained surprisingly stable. The users have to a larger or weaker degree kept subcultural characteristics, with emphasis on green values, and skepticism to as well capital as criminal actors. Argot, rituals and symbols have still remarkably much in common with that of the 1960s. Indeed, to some degree a so-called ?normalization? has taken place, as reported from e.g. UK. However, the use of cannabis plays an important role in processes of marginalization. A considerable proportion of the more regular users will be prosecuted, due to the fact that many take part in distribution. At a lower level, those who take part in distribution are rather involved with the cannabis culture; at a higher level, it is less present. During the previous decade, the two most important changes are related to increased home-growing, and increased medical marijuana.

In Oslo today, 30 % of the men in their late twenties have used cannabis the last year. Oslo also hosts Scandinavias largest open cannabis street market. There is a basic ambiguity when it comes to cannabis: On the one hand, we observe marginalized users, associated with a problematic lifestyle, at the same time cannabis is still linked to a subculture associated with oppositional life-style, certain music preferences, and what early was coined as "a hang loose ethic". The first aim of the study is to ide ntify the symbolic meanings associated with different cannabis use patterns. We ask: How is the symbolic meaning of cannabis use expressed? How are cannabis rituals today performed? How is cannabis used in more marginal segments of society? The second ai m is to highlight processes of marginalization, related to cannabis use. In classic sociology on deviance, labelling and stigma, cannabis users were portrayed as a case in point. In Norway, today, the situation is different. All the same, a surprisingly h igh proportion of regular cannabis users are convicted for drug-related crimes, and a rather high proportion live in a marginalized situation. Or second aim is to ask: What role does cannabis play in such marginalization processes? Thirdly, the cannabis economy is huge, and we find three different markets for cannabis in Norway: public, semi-public and private. Public markets refer to the open street sale; semi-public refers to cannabis sale in clubs and pubs; and the private market refers to distributi on distribution through personal relations, primarily from dealers? apartments. While public markets submit the users to the risk of being hustled and arrested, private settings represent a more subtle risk: Friendship and social relations bind the users to a milieu that involves the use of illegal drugs. Our third aim is to highlight in more detail the cannabis markets and their implications for the participants.